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This paper analyzes various regional conflicts in the conditions of the current Russian social and economic crisis. These conflicts are universal, and arise even in dynamically developing territories and in donor regions. As an example, the case of the Republic of Tatarstan is used. The paper deals with the four-link typology of modern, mainly economic conflicts, which prevail today in the Republic of Tatarstan and other regions of Russia. These include: social and labor conflicts; conflicts of property division (in the most intensive form – illegal seizures); conflicts of development companies and equity holders due to unleased housing; conflicts of financial insolvency of a number of banks. Two types of conflicts have no institutional framework for regulation, and another two encourage protests and social tension. The process of conflict management is considered through the degree of effectiveness of mechanisms and practices of the activities of regional authorities in various situations. The most destructive and socially dangerous in the last two years are the conflicts in the banking sector of the Russian regions. In Tatarstan, the impossibility of paying depositors to several banks at once led to the banking crisis and its strict regulation through the revocation of licenses by the National Bank of Russia
The Republic of Tatarstan is one of the most stable subjects of the federation of modern Russia. Throughout the post-Soviet period, Tatarstan was a donor region, characterized by progressive development, implementation of innovative infrastructure projects, and receipt of significant amounts from the federal center to finance large-scale cultural and sporting events.
The Republic of Tatarstan belongs to those territories of Russia where the imperious (state) resource clearly dominates the entrepreneurial and public resources, but it to a large extent serves as a source of innovation, development and preservation of stability.
A strip of relative instability was characteristic of the republic in 2010-2013. However, open conflicts were relatively small at that time. They can be attributed to the ethno-confessional sphere, the implementation of the migration policy of the state at the regional level. Most of these conflicts can be defined as criminal-domestic clashes. It should be noted that Tatarstan in this period was characterized by mainly intra-religious and intra-ethnic conflicts. Conflicts such as the burning of the Kryashen churches in the regions of the republic were an exception to the rules.
In general, during this period, the situation was managed to be kept under control. The merit in this belongs to the republican authorities, although it was impossible to prevent threats without the help of the federal center (for example, when carrying out special operations against religious extremists).
In 2014-2016, these conflicts took second place, became much less intense or ended, while social and labor conflicts, confrontations related to the problems of co-investors, business conflicts etc. began to come to the fore in the Republic of Tatarstan (as in most other regions). There are virtually no serious political conflicts, ethnic and religious tension in the republic.
Thus, the legislative regulation of social and labor conflicts is a relatively autonomous sphere in the modern conflict resolution. The mechanisms of social partnership (in reality, social dialogue) between employers, trade unions and the government are relatively effective in the Republic of Tatarstan. The socio-economic crisis and its consequences (rising prices, the number of unemployed, a decrease in real incomes of the population, etc.), an increase in non-institutionalized economic conflicts and protests cannot yet destroy the overall stability in Tatarstan. Moreover, some branches of the national economy of the republic show development and growth of their economic indicators.
However, the lack of clear rules and regulations for the division of income from taxes between the federal center and the regions can destroy the relative stability of donor regions. Then the consequences of the crisis and acute economic conflicts without institutional regulation and financial support for a number of donor regions will be unpredictable.
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